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The Chinese text of our edition is almost entirely in accordance with that of edition E, held by the Royal Library of Paris. We have introduced about thirty variants, the indication and authentic origin of which will be found at the end of the work.
Edition A. — This edition contains the commentary composed during the 汉 dynasty by 河上公, who sometimes took the title of 河上丈人, meaning "the great man who lives on the banks of the Yellow River," and sometimes that of 河上公. It is reported that in 163 BCE, he presented his commentary to Emperor 孝文帝, who had come to visit him in his modest retreat. 司马迁 mentions him honorably in his biographical notice of 乐毅. (Cf. 《四库全书总目》, vol. CXLVI, fol. 5.)
Several people in Paris possess, and I myself have received from Beijing, an edition in 2 volumes whose notes are falsely attributed to 河上公, and in which not a single phrase of the original commentary is found. The gloss and commentary appear to be written based on the edition 《道德真经指义》, published in 1690 by 纯阳真人, which contains all the reveries of modern 道士. This is our edition F, which we have cited only two or three times, in passages that do not at all concern the author's doctrine.
Edition B. — This edition contains the commentary of 范应元, who lived around the year 1208, during the 宋 dynasty. According to the 《四库全书总目》 (vol. CXLVI, fol. 10), he was a 道士 who had settled on Mount 武夷; he sometimes took the title of 慈星真人, sometimes that of 白真 or 陈仙. His interpretation closely resembles that of Buddhist monks who have commented on 老子.
Edition C. — This edition was composed during the 明 dynasty (between 1368 and 1647) by a 道士 who took the title of 遯世. It offers a perpetual gloss and a paraphrase.
Edition D. — This edition was composed during the 魏 dynasty by 王弼 (between the years 226 and 249). The edition we used was published in 1773, in 2 small octavo volumes. According to Chinese critics, the text is filled with errors, and the very brief notes attached to it are obscure due to their conciseness and subtlety.
Edition E. — This edition, titled 《老子解》, is found in the Royal Library (Fourmont collection, no. 288). It was published in 1530 by 萧畅, whom bibliographers usually call 高翥仙翁, and who sometimes took the title of 大宁居士 (i.e., "the scholar retired in the cabinet of great tranquility"), sometimes that of 西原仙翁, or "the scholar of the western plain."
Chinese writers like to refer to themselves by titles derived from the places they inhabit or near which they live in seclusion. Thus, among the commentators of the 《太平经》, a moral treatise for 道士, we see the doctor 玉溪子, or "the doctor of the jade river"; 乔山子, or "the doctor of Mount Qiáo"; 赤松子, or "the doctor of the red hill," etc. The "western plain" (西原) where 萧畅 lived was located a short distance from 亳, his native country. It is for this reason (as stated in the introduction) that he took the title of 西原仙翁, i.e., "the doctor of the western plain."
The preface informs us that 亳, the country where 萧畅 was born, is the same that gave birth to 老子. Perhaps this common origin inspired him to comment on our philosopher.
The commentary of 萧畅 is, as he himself says, a summary of the best commentaries; but it is insufficient to understand the work from beginning to end. Except for that of 河上公, it is the clearest and most precise of all those I have had at my disposal: I have therefore made great use of it in my notes, particularly in those of the second book of the 《道德经》. This author sometimes expresses strong and bold ideas, which one is surprised to find in a Chinese writer.
Edition F (《道德真经指义》). — See what has been said above (edit. A) regarding the pseudonymous edition of 河上公.
Edition G. — 《老子义》 (or 《老子翼》, Aid for the Understanding of 老子, in 3 books). This edition was published in 1588 by 焦竑, surnamed 澹园. It is the most extensive and important that we know of so far. It generally offers the complete reproduction of the most famous commentaries composed by 刘戬夫, 欧阳修, 李息斋, and 苏子由, and considerable extracts from sixty other interpreters.
At the end of each chapter, 焦竑 often provides a gloss in which he explains or corrects the text based on the editions that preceded his own. A large part of his gloss, which we designate as G, has been used or extracted verbatim by 萧畅 (edit. E).
Book III contains pieces and notices relating to 老子, his book, and the various editions, of which the most important prefaces are given. It concludes with a selection of variants from the editions that the author had at his disposal. We believe it useful to present the main commentaries provided by this edition.
1. 刘戬夫. His commentary, titled 《老子传》, in 4 books, was composed during the 宋 dynasty in the year 1078. The doctor 严平 says that this commentary is one of the most esteemed.
2. 欧阳修. His commentary, titled 《道德真经注》, in 4 books, was composed during the 元 dynasty, between 1260 and 1368. (Cf. 《四库全书总目》, vol. CXLVI, fol. 12.)
3. 李息斋, surnamed 嘉谋. His commentary, titled 《道德经解》, is found, according to 焦竑, in the great collection of 道士 books titled 《道藏》. But this critic gives no details about the author or the period in which he lived.
4. 《道德经解》, in 2 books. This edition was published in 1098 by 苏辙 or 苏东坡, more often called 苏子由, who was one of the most famous writers of the 宋 dynasty. His biography can be found in the 《宋史》, vol. X, pp. 70-104. His style is pure, elegant, and often profound. Some of these qualities can be seen in the portrait of the Sage, pages 142, note 13, and passim, despite the weakness of my translation.
The author mainly proposed to explain 老子 according to Buddhist ideas. According to 马端临, he drew this system of interpretation from the society of 沙门 monks that he frequented for a long time in 永州.
The information he gives about how his commentary was composed and preserved is interspersed with curious and touching details:
"At the age of forty, I was exiled to 永州. Although this district is not very extensive, there are many ancient monasteries there; it is the meeting place of Buddhist monks from all over the empire. One of them, named 道洵, frequented the mountain of 黄泥; he was the nephew of 南公. As we climbed the heights together, our two hearts understood each other. He liked to share my excursions. One day, as we were discussing the 道, I said to him:
— Everything you speak of, I have already learned in the books of the literati.
— This is related to the doctrine of 佛, replied 洵, how could the literati have found it themselves?
(After a long dialogue in which 苏辙 tries to show the points of resemblance that exist, according to him, between the doctrine of 孔子 and that of 佛, he continues thus:)
"At that time, I began to comment on 老子. Each time I had finished a chapter, I showed it to 洵, who would exclaim with admiration:
— All this is Buddhist!
After living for five years in 永州, I returned to the capital, and some time later, 洵 left to travel. Twenty years have passed since that time. I have constantly reviewed and corrected my commentary on 老子, and I have never found a single passage that I could not reconcile with the doctrine of 佛. But among the men of my time, there was no one with whom I could discuss these lofty matters. I then had the opportunity to see 洵 again and showed him my commentary.
In the second year of the 大观 period (in 1108), 苏辙 writes that, traveling in the south, near 海康, he met by chance 子瞻, his elder brother, and stayed with him for about ten days in the district of 藤州. He spoke to him of his old literary works on the 《诗经》 (the Book of Odes), the 《春秋》, and the ancient historians, and entrusted him with his commentary on 老子.
"At that time," he adds, "I had the happiness of regaining the emperor's favor and returned to the capital. 子瞻 went to 鄂州, fell ill, and died. Ten years had passed since this event, and I did not know what had become of my work on 老子 that I had left in the hands of 子瞻.
In the first year of the 政和 period (the year 1111), I came across by chance the manuscripts of 子瞻, which my nephew 迈 had put in order. Among them, I found a manuscript with this note: 'New commentary on 老子 entrusted to me long ago by my brother 苏子由.' I could not read it to the end; the book fell from my hands, and I exclaimed with a sigh: 'If this commentary had existed during the time of the Warring States (战国), we would not have had to deplore the evils caused by 张仪 and 韩非; if it had existed at the beginning of the 汉 dynasty, 孔子 and 老子 would have been one; if it had existed under the 晋 and 宋 (from 205 to 401), 佛 and 老子 would not have been in opposition. I did not expect to make, in my old age, this extraordinary encounter.' I lived for ten years in 颍州, and during all this time, I made many corrections and changes to these four works (his commentaries on the 《诗经》, the 《春秋》, the 《老子》, and his work on the ancient historians). I thought that the words of the Saints cannot be understood at first reading; therefore, each time I found a new idea, I did not dare to stop at the first meaning. Today I would be happy to improve my commentary on 老子 with the help of 子瞻's advice, but alas! I can no longer consult him.' I did not have the strength to continue and burst into tears."
朱熹, the famous interpreter of the classics, severely criticizes 苏子由 for wanting to reconcile the doctrine of the literati with that of 老子, and for having sewn (this is the critic's expression) the doctrine of the Buddhists into it. These particular rapprochements by 苏东坡 seem completely erroneous to him. He also finds 苏东坡 full of pride and presumption when he says that among the men of his time there was not a single one with whom he could discuss these philosophical matters. (See 《文献通考》, vol. CXI, fol. 1 verso.)
Edition H. — 《道德经解》, in 2 books. This edition was published during the 明 dynasty (between the years 1368 and 1617) by a Buddhist monk named 德清. It is printed with rare elegance, in a small folio volume. The text and commentary are carefully punctuated. The style of the gloss and commentary is clear and easy. The author shows a natural partiality for the doctrine of 佛; but it is easy to distinguish the principles that are particular to him and those that are in agreement with the general system of 老子.
